This is a post-refereeing final draft . When citing, please refer to the published version:
Cohen , S.A. (2011). Lifestyle travellers: Backpacking as a way of life. Annals of Tourism
Research, 38(4), 1535-1555. DOI: 10. 1016 /j.annals.2011.02.002
LIFESTYLE TRAVELLERS:
Backpacking as a way of life
Scott A. Cohena
Bournemouth University , United Kingdom
acorresponding author : School of Tourism, Dorset House, Talbot Campus, Poole, Dorset,
BH12 5BB, United Kingdom. Tel: +44 1202 961261 Fax: +44 1202 515707 Email :
[email protected]
ABSTRACT
Scholarship on backpackers speculates some individuals may extend backpacking to a way of
life. This article empirically explores this proposition using lifestyle consumption as its
framing concept and conceptualises individuals who style their lives around the enduring
practice of backpacking as ‘lifestyle travellers’. Ethnographic interviews with lifestyle
travellers in India and Thailand offer an emic account of the practices , ideologies and social
identity that characterise lifestyle travel as a distinctive subtype within backpacking.
Departing from the drifter construct, which (re)constitutes this identity as socially deviant, the
concept of lifestyle allows for a contemporary appraisal of these individuals’ patterns of
meaningful consumption and wider insights into how ongoing mobility can lead to different
ways of understanding identities and relating to place .
Keywords: lifestyle consumption; backpacker; mobility; drifter; identity
INTRODUCTION
Within the social world of backpacking, there exist a small proportion of tourists who
travel as a lifestyle for years on end. Reminiscent of Cohen’s (1972) seminal ‘drifter tourists’,
but subverting connotations of aimlessness implicit in this term , these extreme tourists, who I
reconceptualise as ‘lifestyle travellers’, move beyond an episodic consumption of
backpacking. Backpacking is instead extended to an ongoing lifestyle practice that on a micro
level provides both a unique sense of self to its practitioners and on a macro level comprises a
distinct and recognisable social identity. Lifestyle travel in a broader sense can take on
different forms , whether, for instance , through backpacking, ocean yacht cruising ( Macbeth ,
2000) or caravanning (White & White, 2004). What these forms of travel have in common
that distinguishes them from many other lifestyle choices is sustained physical mobility.
Whilst social scientists dispute just how ‘new’ mobilities are to our lives ( Creswell , 2010;
Sheller & Urry, 2006), less disputable is that globalisation, with mobility as a crucial
characteristic, is leading to different ways of understanding identities and relating to place. As
such , the current paper not only contributes the first empirical material to advance past
speculative evidence that backpacking can extend to a way life (Noy & Cohen, 2005; Welk,
2004; Westerhausen, 2002), but it also contextualises this form of lifestyle travel within a
wider discussion in the social sciences of how physical mobility can affect and challenge the
ways in which we experience ourselves, others and places over time. Based on ethnographic
interviews with lifestyle travellers in India and Thailand in 2007, I use theory on lifestyle
consumption to frame a nuanced understanding of the practices, ideologies and social identity
that characterise lifestyle travel as a distinctive subtype within backpacker tourism.
Although backpacking as a lifestyle has clear conceptual links to Cohen’s (1972) drifter,
the social world surrounding ‘non-institutionalised tourist roles’ has changed significantly
since the inception of the drifter model. Cohen (1972, p. 168) describes a drifter as venturing
‘furthest away from the beaten track and from the accustomed way of life of his home
country …The drifter has no fixed itinerary or timetable and no well-defined goals of travel.’
Drifters are further understood as tourists who ‘ roam internationally, living with the
indigenous population and taking odd jobs to keep themselves going ’ ( Adler & Adler, 1999,
p. 54). Like the ‘hippie counterculture’ of the 1960s -70s in general, the arguably derogatory
drifter label connotes a social deviancy undertaken by ‘dropouts’ from affluent societies
(O’Reilly, 2006). Although Vogt’s (1976) ‘ wanderer ’ and Riley ’s (1988) ‘international long-
term budget travellers’ represent similar attempts to cast a terminological net around this type
of tourist, it is the drifter concept that inspires ‘one of the prevalent trends of contemporary
tourism’ (Cohen, 1973, p. 90), backpacker tourism.
The succinct and less pejorative epithet ‘backpacker’ gained momentum from the late
1990s (O’Reilly, 2006) as a descriptor for predominantly young, budget tourists on extended
holiday (Loker- Murphy & Pearce, 1995). More recently, Maoz and Bekerman (2010, p. 426)
describe backpackers as ‘relatively young tourists who tend to gather in ghettos or enclaves:
places where large numbers congregate to experience home comforts and the company of
tourists of similar interests.’ This latter enclavic focus reflects an institutionalisation of the
backpacking phenomenon , a mainstreaming decried by some authors (Cohen, 2003; O’Reilly,
2006) for its alignment with the stigma of mass tourism. The homogenisation of backpacking
with the rubric of mass tourism, however , is derailed by scholarship that teases out
heterogeneity from within the backpacker umbrella concept (Ateljevic & Doorne, 2005;
Uriely, Yonay, & Simchai, 2002). Sørensen (2003) calls for continued research on specific
subtypes within the backpacker market.
Westerhausen (2002, p. 146) notes ‘for a sizeable minority, being on the road becomes a
preferred way of life to which they will return whenever the opportunity presents itself.’ Noy
and Cohen (2005) further highlight that such ‘lifelong wanderers’ have rarely been the subject
of empirical research. Whilst many backpackers are in a moratoric or transitional phase of life
(Maoz & Bekerman, 2010), such as on a ‘gap year ’ or ‘overseas experience’, which may be
temporally viewed as an episode , Uriely et al. (2002) do observe evidence of ‘serial
backpacking’, in which multiple backpacking trips may be pursued after an initial
backpacking experience, sometimes reflecting changing motivations across a ‘backpacking
biography ’ or a single trip. Whereas Uriely (2005) leverages these observations to further a
2
late modern understanding of the phenomenon as pluralised, he does not pursue how these
diverse and episodic experiences may be assembled into a mobile lifestyle that offers a unique
sense of identity to its adherents and forms a recognisable social identity within a broader
social matrix.
Indeed, lifestyle travel is a phenomenon that illustrates a de-differentiation of everyday
life and tourist experiences, a process that Uriely (2005) identifies as characteristic of tourism
in late modernity. But rather than tourism permeating everyday places where individuals
reside , through, for instance, simulated environments and virtual reality , lifestyle travellers
make tourism an everyday practice through the ongoing physical mobility of backpacking.
Although Pearce and Lee (2007) do refer to ‘travel career patterns’ to try to encapsulate how
tourists may develop across time, lifestyle travel is distinctly not akin to career, which
metaphorically implies a logic of production . As such, Uriely et al.’s (2002) reference to a
backpacking biography presents an apt departure point in the backpacking literature for
exploring how the episodic consumption of backpacking can be assembled into a meaningful
and identifiable lifestyle.
Taylor (1871) defines culture as a whole complex, which includes knowledge, belief, art, law, 1 Anthropology of Tourism Madli Tuvike morals, custom, and any other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of society. Nash (1996) summarized that culture is a system of activities for a group. It can be argued that, for adventure tourists, the adventurous activities are the culture and lifestyle itself. This can be illustrated on examples of some adventure tourism activities, such as snowboarding, surfing or climbing. People who practice these will dress similar, associate with people who are participating in the same activities, listen to the same music and have similar interests and are likely to spend time together with people who have similar lifestyles– they have their own social groups, culture and lifestyles. Swarbrooke et al,
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