of t e sty the nt as he l e of th n atur v alue over audi e e , a e n t Folk ll conte ce me elling, t of the lo x m h inter rists g t of th bers, a e ages Diffe p e e p n whe retation nerally erfo d the re s o resis rma vers ver poss f t univ ce. n ions narr ersa
So, when a speaker produces an utterance, s/he intends hearers to assume that it is cognitively beneficial enough to be worth processing. And therefore every utterance carries "a presumption of its own optimal relevance"--relevant enough to be worth the hearer's effort, and "the most relevant one compatible with Implicative relations 167 communicator's abilities and preferences" (p. 612). This is the relevance theo- rists' rival to Grice's Cooperative Principle (CP). And they argue that the two theories make different predictions. For example, we constantly say things that are not strictly true and are known by both speaker and hearer to be not true, but without being perceived as flouting the Maxim of Truthfulness. We speak loosely; for example, using the noun "record" to include musical tapes and compact discs; and exaggeration is ubiquitous.8 But utterances of those
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